Archive for the ‘ expositions ’ Category

Exhibit Review – X-Rays of the Soul: Rorschach and the Projective Test, Harvard University (through June 30).

Jeremy Blatter

“X-Rays of the Soul: Rorschach and the Projective Test,” curated by Marla Eby, Peter Galison, and Rebecca Lemov, is the most recent exhibit to open at the Collection of Historical Scientific Instruments located in the Science Center at Harvard University. The exhibit explores the history of the projective test, not only as a diagnostic tool in clinical psychology and psychiatry, but as a widely employed technique in anthropological research and as an important meme and metaphor in popular culture.

Among the many provocative artistic interventions found in this exhibit are four large lenticular reproductions of Rorschach cards. By moving to either side of each lenticular print different features and emphases in the inkblots are revealed. The effect is that as you move from left to right it is as if the inkblot itself is revealing a range of potential interpretations that could land you anywhere along the psychiatric spectrum.

By dedicating one side of the exhibit to inkblot tests and the other to tests like the TAT (Thematic Apperception Test), which rely on more literal and narrative-driven modes of representation, the exhibit highlights two very different approaches to rendering the kind of controlled ambiguity that is the earmark of most projective testing techniques. However, many of the most interesting objects on display are precisely those testing materials which reveal the breakdown of this putatively pure ambiguity. For example, Charles Thompson’s “African American Thematic Apperception Test” (1949) and the anthropological adaptations of the TAT for Tahitians force us to more carefully consider the place of race and culture in the design and practice of projective testing.

“X-Rays of the Soul” is open 9-5:00PM daily in the Science Center at Harvard University and closes June 30.

Jeremy Blatter is a Ph.D. candidate in the History of Science at Harvard University. His research focuses on the history of psychology and the social sciences in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century as well as the intersection of science and visual culture (particularly in the form of film, photography, architecture, advertising, and industrial design). In his dissertation “The Psychotechnics of Everyday Life: Hugo Münsterberg and the Politics of Applied Psychology, 1892-1929,” Jeremy explores the early years of applied psychology and psychotechnics.

Exhibit review – “In memory of the children. Pediatrics and crimes against children in the Nazi period.” Topography of Terror Documentation Center, Berlin, 18 January – 20 May 2012

By Stephanie Neuner

In recent years considerable research has been conducted on children as victims of the “euthanasia” crimes in Nazi Germany. Remarkable results have been achieved in naming perpetrators, tracing back life stories of victims, and unveiling structures and procedures of the patients’ murder. It is clear by now that more than 10.000 children and adolescents – mainly coming from the lower and middle class[i] – were killed actively or passively within the framework of “euthanasia”. The German Society of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine initiated the temporary exhibition “In memory of the children” presently shown at the Topography of Terror Documentation Center to document these crimes according to the current state of historical research, and equally importantly, to commemorate the victims.

Entering the exhibition space the visitor instantly becomes aware of a large-sized illustrated panel that divides the venue into two sections. Close-up photographs portray under-age inmates of a mental asylum on the one side and physicians being accused of their crimes after 1945 on the other side. The installation might not have explicitly been planned as an introduction – but it nevertheless serves quite well as such. Looking at the photographs one thought immediately crosses the viewer’s mind: They are foremost about individuals and their scope of action – the responsibility of the perpetrators and the helplessness of those children who were left completely unprotected. This first impression is strongly confirmed by historical facts as soon as one takes one’s eyes off this central scene and delves into the exhibition’s actual contents. Here,   the visitor is confronted with the suffering and the death of children, and with the physicians’ massive violation of ethical boundaries in their treatment of the boys and girls entrusted to their care.

As detailed biographical information and medical data are presented one gets very close to the children’s individual fates. One case the exhibition documents in exemplary fashion is that of Guenther, who was ten years old when he was gassed within the framework of the centralized “euthanasia” program “T4”. Nazi welfare services considered his family “a-social” and “hereditarily defective”, and the boy was therefore placed in foster care. Against his parents’ explicit will, he was committed to mental asylums in Potsdam and Georden (Brandenburg). In 1940 it was decided at the Berlin “T4 Headquarters” to murder him. Guenther’s case and the motivation for his murder are elucidated in the catalogue by Petra Fuchs[ii]. Referring to essential results of historical research, she points out that the decision to kill the boy was not only taken on grounds of the contemporary diagnosis “imbecility” but mainly due to a negative prognosis regarding his capacity to be educated and to support himself. It was thus predominantly the assumed degree of future social and financial dependence of the child that motivated his killing.

The “T4 Action” was only one of several institutional settings where medical crimes against children took place. Besides the killing of physically and mentally handicapped children within this framework of centralized “euthanasia”, hundreds of the under-aged died in pediatric and psychiatric sections of hospitals through the denial of treatment, deliberate starvation, or deadly injections. They were sent to especially established “Children’s Departments” at clinics where they were medically observed and tested, before they were killed primarily through the sedatives Luminal or Bromural. As exemplified by the “Research Facility” at the Heidelberg University Psychiatric Department, those “child subjects” (“Forschungskinder”) were murdered in order to put their corpses at the disposal  of brain research projects.[iii] Furthermore, the exhibition focuses on medical experiments on epidemic jaundice and TB in concentration camps, which principally offered “extra-legal space”[iv] for ethically uninhibited medical research on their prisoners. As the authors of the catalogue underline, these tests “should not be seen as pseudo-medical experiments, since most of them corresponded in terms of their purposes and methods to the state of scientific practice at that time”.[v] In this context, the exhibition documents the case of four-year-old Wolfgang who was infected with tuberculosis pathogens in the concentration camp Neuengamme southeast of Hamburg. His large-sized medical chart is presented on a table-like case that enables the visitor to study it in detail, while explanations are given in order to understand the curves with their peaks and valleys. Now the visitor himself turns into an observer of parameters like temperature, medication, food intake and defecation. This interactive module allows us to get in touch with both the “doctors’ gaze” (M. Foucault) and the suffering of the four-year-old boy. It represents an educational highlight of this exhibition.

Besides touchscreens on “Hereditary Teaching and Racial Science” and the geographical spread of “Special Pediatric Sections” throughout Nazi Germany, the exhibition tries to communicate its themes primarily through reproduced documents and photographs mounted on horizontal panels. This form of presentation matches the design of the permanent exhibition of the document center. Considering the venue’s topic it is certainly appropriate to abstain from any effect-seeking scenography and choose an unobtrusive design. However, the exhibition’s design would have benefited from more visual elements that would help to identify key aspects or make it easier to follow the various threads of the exhibition. Considering the great number of international visitors to the document center it is a real pity that documents such as patient records are often not translated into English – not even in extracts. Generally, the exhibition aims at mediating the enormous amount of knowledge that has been researched within the last years from a primarily biographical perspective. This approach is combined both with explanation on organizational processes within the context of Nazi health policy and information on the entanglement of contemporary medical science with eugenic thinking and racial ideology. Taking into account the rather small space that is offered to the temporary venue, the task of both documenting the topic in its broad diversity and of communicating all this to the visitor is of course very ambitious.

As is to be expected, the exhibition leaves the visitor with lots of questions, which the excellent catalogue, edited by Thomas Beddies, attempts to provide answers for.[vi] It includes five valuable articles (with English translation) written by historians who are known as specialists in the field of “euthanasia” crimes in Nazi Germany. The children’s fates become again manifest in the catalogue, especially since the authors reflect individual stories from the deeply diverse perspectives of parents, doctors and attendants. They thus draw a very coherent picture of the particular cases.

It is the most painful and finally lethal experience of 4-year old Wolfgang that sticks in my mind after I have left the exhibition. The victim’s stories are very moving and their suffering stands in harsh contrast to the absence of empathy on the side of the pediatricians who participated in the medical crimes in Nazi Germany.

Stephanie Neuner is a historian currently involved into a research project at the Institute for the History of Medicine at the University Wuerzburg, Germany. Before she had worked several years for the Deutsches Hygiene-Museum Dresden, Germany. She studied history and politics at the Ludwig-Maximilians-University Munich and Edinburgh University. One of her main research interests focus on the cultural history of psychiatry. Her recently published book, Politik und Psychiatrie. Die staatliche Versorgung psychisch Kriegsbeschädigter in Deutschland 1920-39 (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2011) deals with compensation policies towards psychologically disabled veterans of WWI in the Weimar Republic and the Nazi State.

[i] S. Topp, “The murder of handicapped children and youth in the Reich Committee Procedure (1939-1945)”, in Im Gedenken der Kinder – Die Kinderärzte und die Verbrechen an Kindern in der NS-Zeit/In memory of the children – Pediatricians and crimes against children in the Nazi period, exhibition catalogue, ed. by T. Beddies on behalf of the German Society of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine (DGKJ) (Berlin 2012), p. 13-19, here p. 18.
[ii] P. Fuchs, ”Action T4” – Children and youth as victims of the Nazi’s centralized “euthanasia” program (1940/41), in ibid., p. 20-26.
[iii] See M. Rotzoll, V. Roelcke, G. Hohendorf, “Deadly experiments on children – Carl Schneider’s “Research Facility” at the Heidelberg University Psychiatric Department (1943/44)”, in ibid., p. 35-42.
[iv] A. Ley, ”Children as victims of medical experiments in concentration camps, in ibid., p. 43-52, here p. 51.
[v] Ibid., p.44
[vi] See note 1.

Article: The Musée de la folie

The most recent issue of the Journal of the History of Collections features an article by Allison Morehead – “The Musée de la folie: Collecting and exhibiting chez les fous” – reconsidering accepted wisdom about the Musée de la folie, which opened on the outskirts of Paris in 1905.

Abstract: The 1905 opening of Dr Auguste Marie’s Musée de la folie, at the Villejuif Asylum on the outskirts of Paris, has long been viewed as a key moment in the early history of the art of the insane. But surprisingly little is known about the museum and its collection. This article argues that the Musée de la folie was in fact a largely imaginary entity that intersected both with the asylum itself and with a planned Musée rétrospectif psychiatrique. Exploring the various discourses constructed through Marie’s collection and through similar collections and museum projects across Europe permits not only a critique of the teleological narrative usually told about the discovery of the art of the insane, but also provides a richer understanding of the psychiatric and popular contexts in which Marie’s heterogeneous collection, including the art works of his patients, was originally gathered, represented and consumed.

Review: Paris-Exposition : Sous le vent de l’Art Brut

Montrer la douleur, réenchanter le monde : l’art des « fous » et d’autres « primitifs » à la Halle Saint Pierre (Paris)

Au rez-de-chaussée de la Halle Saint Pierre, une femme-poisson aux pieds de tête de mouton nous regarde des ses cinq yeux bleus grand ouverts. L’auteur de ce portrait est un des 49 créateurs représentés dans l’exposition « Sous le vent de l’art brut », qui rassemble une petite partie de la collection de Charlotte Zander, abritée au Château de Bönningheim. Sava Sekulic (1902-1989), maçon croate devenu une des figures les plus respectées dans les cercles internationaux de l’art naïf, nous montre des êtres en pleine métamorphose, figures à la fois tristes et fantastiques qu’on dirait avoir posé un moment devant le peintre avant de continuer leur transformation invraisemblable. C’est notamment le cas de cet homme-femme aux bras de pieuvre sous lequel on lit « Krake se transforme en femme et s’autodétruit » (1974) (voir figure). Si cette image peut évoquer la métamorphose aux mille bras solaires du président Schreber, contrairement aux mémoires du « névroptahe » le plus célèbre de l’histoire de la psychiatrie, elle ne prétend pas représenter une expérience subjective. C’est donc bien le fil de l’imaginaire – de notre imaginaire, bien entendu – qui semble constituer le principe de regroupement des œuvres de cet artiste et d’autres « naïfs » avec celles des créateurs présentés au titre de malades mentaux. Il y a ici déjà de quoi intéresser les historiens et anthropologues de la psychiatrie et de la maladie mentale, mais non moins les sociologues de « nos » pratiques culturelles.

Cet « art brut » qu’on nous présente c’est, bien sûr, le coup de pinceau qui ne se détachera jamais de son geste, violent ou obsessionnel et calligraphique, mais aussi les personnages amphibies d’une quelconque mythologie privée. C’est le désespoir du cri étouffé, se déployant en traits de crayon autour des yeux, et le monde spectral des silhouettes trouées ; c’est l’excès décoratif d’un objet détaché et inerte, et celui du frontispice d’un temple de marbre qui manque peut-être de dieux et d’autel ; c’est la démesure du rêve devenu un peu trop réel (ou l’inverse), et un désir si fort qu’il renverse le corps. C’est l’envers du sexe. C’est la ville serrée, minutieusement chaotique, de la masse. Ou tout simplement les bateaux à vapeur promis de l’enfance qui se déchainent sur le papier, mus par un cataclysme insaisissable. Lieux d’expression, parfois d’inscription, d’une souffrance, ou d’un désir de réenchanter le monde, ces travaux ont pourtant des mobiles variés. Certains cherchent à communiquer des visions intérieures, la peinture s’assumant comme acte mystique (Robert Saint-Brice ; 1898-1973 ; Scottie Wilson, 1888-1972; Séraphine de Senlis, 1864-1942 ; Fleury-Joseph Crepin, 1875-1948 ; Madge Gill, 1882-1961) ; d’autres construisent des villes imaginaires (Adolf Wölfli, 1864-1930 ; Willem Van Genk, 1927-2005 ; Préfète Duffaut, 1923-) ou des langages secrets (Auguste Walla, 1936-2001). D’autres encore cherchent à montrer des douleurs (Rosemarie Koczy, 1939-2007 ; Michel Nedjar, 1947-) ; mettent en scène des peuplades désincarnées (Carlo Zinelli, 1916-1974 ; Oswald Tschirtner, 1920-2007), ou analysent des désirs ingérables (Friedrich Schröder-Sonnenstern, 1892-1982).

Il s’agit, en général, d’une production de gens très pauvres, ayant collectionné des petits métiers le long de leur vies anonymes, ainsi que des séjours en maisons correctionnelles et dans des hôpitaux psychiatriques. Ces gens n’étaient pas censés prétendre faire de l’art, vu leur instruction (souvent des illettrés), leur sexe (un nombre considérable de femmes) et leur âge (pas rarement, des vieux). D’ailleurs – nous dit-on – ils n’ont jamais prétendu faire de l’art, et encore moins la vendre à bon prix. C’est pour tout cela, d’ailleurs, que c’est bien de l’« art brut ». Proposé par Jean Dubuffet, le concept vise à regrouper les expressions plastiques des créateurs en marge des institutions d’apprentissage artistique, de leurs codes et des circuits marchands. Bref, le vent de l’art brut rassemble les créateurs ne pouvant pas se construire une « position d’artiste », comme on lit dans l’introduction du catalogue signée par Jean-Louis Lanoux. Se référent à une création éminemment spontanée et pulsionnelle, « art brut » serait ainsi l’étiquette des arts sans étiquette. Il comprendrait, en quelque sorte, de l’art qui vaut « par sa valeur intrinsèque », comme on lit dans un autre texte d’introduction du catalogue (signée par Martine Lusardy). Des œuvres irréductibles à des codes esthétiques partagés, absolues dans leur singularité, ces travaux nous montreraient, néanmoins, selon le même Lanoux, que « n’en déplaise à ceux de ses partisans [de l’art brut] qui voudraient y voir avant tout un symbole de révolte contre l’ordre social ou un signe de renouveau métaphysique, force est de constater que l’art brut – du moins dans son expression la plus radicale – fait surtout preuve de soumission à des forces qui nous dépassent et qui nous gouvernent. (p. 16) » Or, sans nécessairement prendre le parti du mouvement de Dubuffet et de ses divers avatars – art naïf, médiumnique, psychopathologique, surréaliste – dont le discours de l’authenticité retrouvée dans un art « non culturel » me parait équivoque, force est plutôt de constater que ces travaux expriment soit des souffrances qui nous sont facilement reconnaissables, et donc sans doute des souffrances sociales, soit des désirs de libération à coloration métaphysique et religieuse, parfois politique. Libérer le monde d’un réel de plomb qui voile et écrase un essentiel, c’est dans ces cas le mot d’ordre. « Dieu m’a donné mission de créer une œuvre pour les gens simples et reconnaissants de sa puissance et de sa création. Des gens qui croient en l’existence de l’Etre suprême. Un Dieu que l’on prie et dont la création devient visible, à travers mes dessins », écrit une des artistes exposées, Margarethe Held (1894-1981) (cité in « Sous le vent de l’art brut… », p. 72). Que les unes et les autres sont difficilement appropriables dans le cadre d’une révolution ou d’une philosophie politique c’est une évidence, mais, compte tenu des conditions sociales et biographiques de production de ces œuvres, on ne peut pas nier leur qualité d’expression de révolte contre un ordre social ressenti comme oppressant. Elles parlent, avant tout, des personnes qui les ont produit. Et, puisque ce n’est pas exactement le vent qui nous apporte ces travaux, ils parlent aussi un peu de « nous », qui les rassemblons et allons les voir au musée. Mais, tout en faisant semblant de se référer à des univers autres, ces artistes portent un regard, sinon sur un autre monde possible, sans doute sur notre monde commun.

Exposition « Sous le vent de l’art brut ». Collection Charlotte Zander, Halle Saint Pierre, Musée d’Art Brut, Paris. Du 17 janvier au 26 aout 2011. Ouvrage cité : « Sous le vent de l’art brut », catalogue de l’exposition, Paris, 2010.

Tiago Pires Marques

Tiago Pires Marques is a postdoctoral fellow at CERMES3, Paris-Descartes University (Paris) and at the CEHR (Portuguese Catholic University). After focusing on the history of prisons, criminology, and forensic psychiatry, his research has been extended to the history and anthropology of psychiatry and mental illness. His main ongoing research project deals with the religious references common in psychotic experiences. His latest publication, as editor and co-author, is the issue “Michel de Certeau et l’anthropologie historique de la modernité” of the journal Revue d’histoire des sciences humaines (n. 23, 2011).

High Society is high impact and high interest

by Katy Barrett

I am writing this review while drinking a cup of coffee in the café of the Wellcome Collection. I would never think of myself as a ‘drug user,’ but the current exhibition High Society reminds us that caffeine is just one of the mind-altering substances which are prevalent in all human societies.

From an opening case of evocative objects – including a Starbucks cup and a Coke can – that draws on the wealth of the Wellcome’s own collections, the exhibition marshals items from ancient Assyrian cuneiform tablets to modern art installations by Richard Hamilton and Keith Coventry to investigate the wide range of ways in which we get ‘high.’ It draws on ceramics, natural specimens, books, prints, paintings, photographs; political advertising, scientific experiments, art installations, interviews to show just how ancient and varied human drug use is. It considers the boundaries between public and private, social and anti-social, legal and illegal. I, in fact, use the term ‘drug’ with trepidation, in case it lead my readers to a culturally-induced ‘pejorative’ understanding of the term which this exhibition by no means endorses.

The opening section ‘A Universal Impulse’ highlights this problem and shows the varying types and functions of drugs in different cultures, considering religious or medical use, and the modern clash between these and international law. Next, ‘From Apothecary to Laboratory’ considers the development from ancient medical plants to modern laboratory drugs and the local and international paths of these. Connected is ‘The Drugs Trade’ section, which reminds us of the ever-present role of British imperial trade and expansion in so much world history, and the importance of the opium trade from India to China in the nineteenth century.

The section on ‘Self-Experimentation’ investigates how scientists and artists have sought to understand what drugs do to the human consciousness and why this varies between individuals; how essentially the results evade complete scientific explanation. The installation by Brion Gysin invites visitors to give themselves a hallucinatory experience. ‘Collective Intoxication’ then considers how drug use is part of social interaction, using and contrasting Western attitudes to more ‘ritualistic’ drug use in other cultures. The final section considers whether drug use is ‘A sin, a crime, a vice, or a disease?’ highlighting how such boundaries change across communities, and have shifted over time along with attitudes to the human mind and body and the relationship between the two.

This exhibition is the Wellcome Collection’s usual high quality and high impact. On a grey Saturday afternoon it was heaving with enthusiastic visitors, showing that the subject is as ‘high’ interest today as the exhibition shows that it has been in the past.

‘High Society’ continues until 27th February 2011 with special events on ‘Drugs in Victorian Britain’ on Friday 11th and Saturday 12th February.

Katy Barrett is a PhD Student on the AHRC-funded research project ‘The Board of Longitude 1714-1828: Science, Innovation and Empire in the Georgian World‘ supervised jointly by the University of Cambridge and the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London. She is currently interested in the relationships that were drawn between lunacy and the search for longitude in the early eighteenth century.

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